| John
Lister
After months of hesitation, there are signs that health unions facing
wholesale job losses, service cuts and galloping privatisation in the
NHS are beginning to move towards the necessary fightback.
There are indications that as soon as unions vote to take action at just
one or two NHS Trusts, others will easily be encouraged to follow suit.
Strike action spread like wildfire in this way in the battle over nurses’
pay back in 1988: now there are already 12,000 jobs at stake, with more
cuts and closures to come.
And those contemplating action and mass campaigning to defend local services
will be encouraged by evidence that the Blairite machinery driving through
the market-based reforms is beginning to fracture and is losing momentum.
Many were amazed when Health Secretary Patricia Hewitt, who had got the
bum’s rush and faced a headline-grabbing humiliation from both UNISON’s
health conference and the Royal College of Nursing, survived Blair’s
ministerial reshuffle despite months of damaging media headlines on the
developing crisis in the NHS.
But Health Minister Jane Kennedy has become the first serving minister
to stand down and go public with criticisms of the government’s
imposition of a new system of “payment by results” which is
set to destabilise NHS hospital trusts across the country.
Unlike former health Secretary Frank Dobson, who has for some time been
prominent critic of a variety of New Labour policies, Kennedy had been
seen as a Blair supporter, and her departure immediately after the body-blow
to New Labour in the local elections has undermined Blair’s attempt
to relaunch the government with his ministerial reshuffle.
The elections served to highlight the damage that is being done to New
Labour’s support by the chaos they have created in the NHS.
The most dramatic result was the runaway victory of Huddersfield GP Jacky
Grunsell, a Socialist Party member running on a ‘Save Our NHS’
platform, who romped to victory with over 2,100 votes, reminding many
New Labour MPs of the nightmare prospect that if local services are axed
some of them, too, could be swept away by an electoral revolt like that
which lost Labour the Wyre Forest seat in 2001 in the backlash over the
closure of Kidderminster Hospital. Interestingly the Health Concern candidates
also gained another council seat in Wyre Forest.
In several areas New Labour setbacks were clearly made worse by local
hospital cuts, most notably in Barking & Dagenham, where the BNP won
11 seats. Delighted fascists were able to exploit the decision of the
local Barking Havering & Redbridge Trust to axe 650 jobs and close
190 beds just days before polling day in their struggle to tackle a £24m
deficit.
In Stoke on Trent local activists blamed the announcement of 1,000 job
losses in the local hospital Trust as a factor behind the BNP gaining
three seats on May 4.
With thousands more jobs at risk and ministers pressing NHS chiefs to
take “tough decisions” that will axe popular local hospitals
and services, it is clear that the political cost to New Labour is set
to rise, eroding the party’s core support.
The anger of health workers at the process of “creative destruction”
unleashed by Blairite reforms is also showing signs of beginning to boil
over into action.
UNISON’s Health conference in Gateshead at the end of April adopted
two emergency motions which set out a much more active and militant response.
Union leaders were driven along by the angry mood of a decisive section
of conference delegates.
A few days later a militant 5,000-strong joint trade union demonstration
– the biggest since the 1984 Miners’ strike – marched
through Stoke on Trent, opposing job losses. The rally was told by a UNISON
official that the union would ballot for action anywhere compulsory redundancies
are proposed in the West Midlands.
UNISON has also changed tack to support a joint lobby of Parliament on
May 11 with the RCN and Amicus.
Indeed even the normally docile RCN has threatened to resort to a form
of industrial action, urging its members to stop working unpaid overtime
– a policy that could have a big impact on busy wards.
Revelations
fuel anger over Blair’s “reforms”
There are problems inside the NHS too, as policies begin to unravel, past
failures hit the headlines, and a disgruntled former top manager has become
the first to speak out on the regime within the Department of Health.
Former DoH workforce director Andrew Foster recently revealed to the Health
Service Journal what previously could only have been guessed by outsiders:
the turmoil created within the NHS by Blairite policies.
After the initial honeymoon period of consensus around the increase in
funding and the NHS Plan in 2000, major policy documents driving the NHS
towards a competitive market system were “just sprung on an unsuspecting
NHS”.
The most controversial of all, last July’s circular from then NHS
chief executive Nigel Crisp, was produced “by a very small group
of very senior people”, and came as “a huge surprise”
even to many top managers.
Some of the policies rammed through in this way are now running into crisis.
Hewitt’s plans for a £3 billion second wave of “Independent
Sector Treatment Centres” to treat waiting lists cases diverted
from NHS units, which was to have been announced this summer have been
put on the back burner, as local health chiefs have complained that the
new private units would duplicate existing NHS facilities and represent
a waste of money.
Seven schemes have already been scrapped, and there have been no bids
received for three schemes: decisions on another 14 have been deferred
for another year.
Meanwhile Hewitt has also been obliged to launch a “clinical audit”
of the quality of the surgical work carried out in the 21 treatment centres
already operational, after MPs, doctors and others expressed concern at
low standards.
More damaging revelations have centred on New Labour’s ideological
fixation with using private sector cash to fund new NHS hospital developments
through the Private Finance Initiative (PFI).
The Commons Public Accounts Committee has just published a damning report
exposing the massive £95m windfall profits pocketed by the Octagon
consortium in the aftermath of building the £158m Norfolk &
Norwich Hospital by “refinancing” the initial loans they had
raised – over an extended 39 year period, dumping additional costs
and liabilities on to the NHS Trust.
And while the private sector grabbed its bonus up front, the £34m
graciously handed to the NHS from the total windfall payment of £129m
takes the form of a reduction in payments over the entire period of the
contract!
The bonus for shareholders amounts to almost 60 per cent of the cost of
the building, and comes on top of guaranteed index-linked profits from
leasing the building to the NHS and supplying support services. Meanwhile
the £22m cash crunch faced by the Trust has forced the announcement
of 700 redundancies.
Research from NHS pressure group Health Emergency suggests that the private
companies behind current and planned PFI projects in the NHS stand to
make similar windfall profits of up to £3.3 billion – while
the inflated monthly payments for PFI hospitals will be stripped straight
out of patient care budgets.
While re-financing bonuses at the level achieved at the Norfolk &
Norwich will be difficult to achieve now, a 20% windfall return could
still be achieved on many schemes. With current NHS PFI schemes worth
£4.6 billion this would add up to £920 million. But the three
most recently approved PFI schemes (Barts, Birmingham and St Helens) are
worth £2.2 billion adding a potential windfall profit of £440
million.
And with a further £10 billion worth of NHS PFI’s in the pipeline,
there could be another whacking £2 billion worth of bonus payouts
up for grabs.
When Tony Blair talks about modernising the NHS what he means is more
PFI and bigger and fatter profits for the shareholders of the private
companies involved, and all at taxpayers’ expense.
To stop more beds being closed and more nurses sacked, join the campaign
to Keep Our NHS Public – at
www.keepournhspublic.com
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