Piers
Mostyn
Respect Hits Back Against Police Terror Tactics
250 police officers, many of them armed, raided a house in Forest Gate
in East London, on 2nd June. Mohammed Abdul Kahar and his brother, Abdul
Koyair, were arrested. One of them was shot.
Both were held for a week and then released without charge. Others were
seriously assaulted and arrested, to be released later without charge.
Careful orchestration ensured that initial media coverage emphasised police
claims of “chemical weapons” based on “credible intelligence”,
the suggestion of long term surveillance and a search for a “suicide
vest” that would pump out poison gas.
If the Met really believed their own claims, they were guilty of astonishing
negligence. While police were photographed by an obedient media clad for
chemical warfare in protective suits, they made no moves to evacuate neighbouring
houses, and throughout the week-long search of the house local children
were allowed to play in the street within feet of the barricades erected
around it.
All this suggests that the “device” they claimed to be searching
for and the vague claims about its lethal qualities were taken less than
seriously, and that there was no concern whatever for the safety of local
residents.
From the beginning there was community outrage. The newly-elected secretary
of the Muslim Council of Britain, Dr Muhammad Abdul Bari, warned that
Muslim community relations with the police would be damaged, saying the
community was angry, confused and frustrated at what happened.
Concern centred on flawed “intelligence”, the process of police
decision making and the excessive use of force, in particular the danger
of a repetition of the killing of innocent Jean Charles de Menenez last
year.
Police response to this anger was typified by a “senior source”
quoted as saying “the public may have to get used to this sort of
incident, with the police having to be safe rather than sorry”.
But as time passed and nothing incriminating was found, it was admitted
that the intelligence was wrong – apparently relying solely on one
uncorroborated police informant.
Repeated attempts were then made to cloud the issues at the heart of the
community anger.
There was a refusal to acknowledge that Moham-med Abdul Kahar was shot
by the police. Yet the suggestion that an unarmed man subject to a raid
by highly trained armed police in the early hours was shot by anyone else
seems difficult to countenance.
And the police and government as usual relied on false logic and unsubstantiated
propositions: you are either for or against terrorism; if you are against
it you have to support the police; the police may occasionally make mistakes
but this is a small price to pay and they can be trusted.
The community was united against terrorism. Respect has clearly indicated
its support for that view. But your position on that does not automatically
determine support for or co-operation with everything the police does.
Many people view police and state action in recent years as massively
increasing the threat of terrorism – not just due to the wars in
Iraq and Afghanistan but through a string of repressive and counterproductive
policies.
The state and the police have demonstrated time and again that they cannot
be trusted. Thousands of ‘stop and searches’ of Muslims and
hundreds of arrests have only led to a handful of convictions –
suggesting a completely disproportionate and racist targeting.
British involvement in CIA rendition flights has been described by the
European Council’s recent report as “intentional or grossly
negligent collusion”.
It follows complicity with Guantanamo Bay, denounced by the UN at the
highest levels. De Menezes was executed either in the knowledge that he
was innocent or, at the very least, without any reasonable grounds to
believe he wasn’t.
All these policies involved the same MI5, police anti-terrorist section
and other state forces that would be intimately linked to the decision
making behind the Forest Gate raid.
Why should the community trust them not to make mistakes, not to lie,
not to run roughshod over the rights of the innocent, not to terrorise
neighbourhoods unnecessarily, and not to engage in Islamophobic harassment?
Similar issues arose, a week later, when the Dewsbury house of internationally
renowned Islamic scholar Maulana Yakub Qasmi was raided. His vocal opposition
to terrorism is a matter of record.
Local businessman Tahir Zaman described his family as “very very
very respected”, stating the people were shocked and angry. Local
Labour MP Shahid Malik accepted the community standing of the family but
added, “people have to accept the police are acting in good faith
and have a job to do”. 300 members of the local community clearly
didn’t think so, as they protested outside the house.
The comment that the public would have to get used to this sort of incident
suggests that, for the state, neither trust nor the credibility of the
“threat” really enter into the equation.
As with the mobilisation of tanks at Heathrow Airport in the run up to
the mammoth anti-war mobilisation of two million in March 2003, it is
impossible to exclude the possibility as a motive that this is state muscle-flexing
in a community radically opposed to the “war on terror” .
Newham Respect – with three councillors and fresh from winning thousands
of votes in the recent borough election and tens of thousands of across
East London – responded promptly to the Forest Gate raids with a
statement and a public meeting.
A demonstration was called by Stop Political Terror, backed by the Muslim
Council of Britain, the Muslim association of Britain and Newham Respect.
Respect member Yvonne Ridley called for a boycott by the community of
the police, later clarifying that she was not talking about day to day
relations but more organised liaison.
Respect MP George Galloway also made clear on Question Time that there
had been no consultation inside Respect on Ridley’s intervention,
which did not represent the view of the organisation.
At any rate measures such as a boycott of police consultative bodies is
nothing new. A similar stance was taken by the black community, backed
by many left Labour councils in the 1980s.
For too long the police have used “community leaders” to provide
them with political cover. Regrettably the Metropolitan Police Auth-ority
and Ken Livingstone’s uncritical backing for police chief Ian Blair
over the Menezes shooting and other aspects of repressive policing have
shown where this can lead.
And the affair raises questions over the recent extension of police powers
to detain suspects from the present 14 days, to 28.
Liberal Democrats and Tories both supported the latter – Labour
still wants it to be 90!
This type of raid followed by the lengthy detention of people without
charge in circumstances where there may be no evidence against them may
become the norm unless broad opposition is built.
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