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BUILDING RESPECT
By Jane Kelly

The Convention to found Respect -The Unity Coalition, was a great success, well attended with around 1,500 people, and for the most part conducted in a democratic and transparent fashion. It is a great gain for the left in England and has the potential to fill the vacuum to the left of New Labour.

The aim identified by George Galloway to win a million votes in the European elections in June, and for £1 million to fund the campaign was ambitious but potentially achievable.

It's also a good line when electioneering that such a good vote would make the exist ing parties ‚fall off their chairs- that is a votefor Respect will not be a wasted vote. And proportional representation in these elections means that it is possible for Respect towin some seats.

The main pressure at the convention was from the ultra- left (groups and individuals trying to amend the founding statement to make it more explicitly socialist or in some cases more openly revolutionary.

While many agreed with the content of these resolutions, in abstract, the majority were aware that Respect will have to appeal to its right in this period if it is to have any impact. It will be seeking the votes of ex-Labour voters, young people who do not yet see themselves as socialists, many who opposed the war in Iraq, who may be anti-imperialist, but have not yet moved to anti-capitalist conclusions. Quite rightly many of these amendments were rejected on this basis.

In the future however, if Respect manages to attract large numbers of people, it will come under a much greater pressure from reformism. It is bound to be a rather unstable organisation politically, combining, groups of revolutionary Marxists and reformists.

Like the broad left parties in Europe such as Italy's Party of Communist Refoundation, Respect may move to the left or the right, depending on the political situation it finds itself in.

In the end it is not the words written down on paper that will determine its political character, but the character of the forces it attracts, the content of its positions informing the actions it takes, and the campaigns it supports.

The role of revolutionary Marxists in this process will be of paramount importance. It is likely that there will be platforms in Respect, as there are in the Scottish Socialist Party, and this will be an important element of its democracy. What then will be the role of Socialist Resistance, which presents itself as a Marxist current?

Unlike the Labour Party, where revolutionaries are unwelcome, we will not be doing 'entry' into Respect. On the contrary, we will be a platform with a clear programme and will not hide the fact that we want to build a revolutionary party.

This does not mean putting a full revolutionary programme at every point - indeed SR does not have such a thing itself!

Rather we will need a programme which responds to the main issues of the day, including some key demands that directly challenge the system as a whole. In other words, an 'action programme', made up of basic, or minimum demands, and transitional demands, which begin from today's struggles and issues, but lead those who fight for them towards recognising the need for socialist solutions.

Such a programme, comprised of policies relevant to working people today, can only be won by confronting capitalism. Evensome minimum demands such as those for equality or democratic rights, will not necessarily be granted within a capitalist system.

But through a struggle to win these legitimate demands, we can win people to socialism, to an understanding of the impossibilityof reforming capitalism, of the need to overthrow the system.

As an example we could look at the issue of asylum seekers and refugees. As has been said this is the cutting edge of racism at present,  and will play a role in what is likely to be a very right wing debate during the elections in June.

It is essential that we have a good position on the issue, and that we raise it within Respect - not that they adopt our positions wholesale, but that a debate takes place. While much of the SR position could be accepted by Respect, point 6 which calls for 'an end to immigration laws and for open borders', is clearly too advanced a demand for such a broad organisation as Respect.

The resolution put to the Respect convention was different, detailing out the initial proposal put by the interim executive in point 1, adding an international dimension with reference to the EU, and then, by contrast to the SR point, calling for the scrapping of all existing immigration legislation, but not arguing that there should be none, and linking this with reparations so that the reason why many people migrate is addressed.

We would not necessarily expect that Respect will accept this last point, but the discussion would educate and provide ideas for people when faced with ignorance and prejudice while electioneering on this contentious issue.

By this sort of process SR could provide leadership within Respect to wider forces than it presently organises, including those who may remain organised within the Socialist Alliance.

It will not be possible, given our limited resources, to organise within the SA as well, but that does not mean we would abandon such independents. We could organise open forums to debate out policy and politics with them, without expecting them to agree with everything we say or to join us.